the policy resurrects and expands a familiar playbook from Trump’s first term Photo: REUTERS/Jose Luis González/ARCHIVO

6 countries with Catholic majorities among those affected by Trump’s new immigration measures

Among the hardest hit are Catholic-majority countries like Haiti, the Republic of the Congo, and Equatorial Guinea, which now face near-complete travel bans. Others—Venezuela, Cuba, and Burundi—will see their citizens subject to partial restrictions

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(ZENIT News / Washington, 06.07.2025).- A  new executive order signed by President Donald Trump in early June has reignited fierce debate over America’s immigration posture, this time with a broader reach—and deeper consequences—than before. The order imposes near-total or partial entry bans on citizens from 19 countries, many of which have significant Christian populations, including six majority-Catholic nations.

Framed as a response to national security concerns and immigration enforcement failures, the policy resurrects and expands a familiar playbook from Trump’s first term. But critics say the real cost will be measured in shattered families, lost trust, and increasing religious and racial stigmatization.

Among the hardest hit are Catholic-majority countries like Haiti, the Republic of the Congo, and Equatorial Guinea, which now face near-complete travel bans. Others—Venezuela, Cuba, and Burundi—will see their citizens subject to partial restrictions. While the administration insists the measures are based on objective metrics such as visa overstay rates and terrorism risks, many observers point to a disturbing pattern: communities of faith and already-marginalized regions being swept into a broad dragnet.

In Eritrea and Chad—where Christianity makes up roughly half the population—the bans will also block entry nearly entirely. Chad’s Christian minority alone exceeds 40%, with Catholics representing a major portion. Smaller yet significant Christian populations in Togo and Sierra Leone will be similarly affected by partial bans.

The list extends beyond Christian-majority regions, targeting countries such as Iran, Afghanistan, Libya, and Somalia—mostly Muslim nations with minimal Christian presence—as well as Buddhist-majority Burma and Laos. Though exceptions exist for legal residents, family reunification cases, adoptees, and some humanitarian circumstances, critics say these are inadequate given the scope of the restrictions.

Bishop Mark Seitz, chairman of the U.S. bishops’ migration committee, issued a sharply worded statement denouncing the order as an affront to the nation’s legacy as a refuge for the vulnerable. “Once again, we are turning away those most in need,” Seitz said. “When entire nations are effectively blacklisted, our immigration system becomes not only inaccessible but also unjust.”

Seitz’s condemnation was echoed by Anna Gallagher, executive director of the Catholic Legal Immigration Network (CLINIC), who emphasized the collateral damage to families. “What we’ve already seen this year is the unraveling of key humanitarian pathways. This new policy pours salt into that wound,” she said. Gallagher warned that the order risks institutionalizing family separation under the guise of border management.

Trump, in his announcement, cited recent violent incidents as justification for the crackdown—most notably an attack in Colorado involving an Egyptian national who overstayed his visa and later targeted attendees at a vigil for Israeli hostages. “We cannot allow dangerous individuals to enter our country unvetted,” the president declared. “This is about safety, plain and simple.”

However, the emphasis on individual bad actors from specific regions has drawn comparisons to the controversial “Muslim ban” of Trump’s first term, which was challenged in court and widely condemned for its religious undertones. While the new order does not reference religion explicitly, its disproportionate effect on predominantly Catholic and Christian populations has not gone unnoticed by faith leaders and human rights advocates.

Behind the legal justifications—visa compliance rates, terrorism watchlists—lurks a question: who is welcome in America? For many Catholics in the Global South, especially those fleeing persecution, poverty, or instability, that question has taken on a painful clarity.

The order’s exceptions, while important, offer limited comfort. Humanitarian waivers remain rare and often require burdensome documentation. Even provisions for Afghans who aided U.S. forces or Iranians fleeing religious persecution are qualified by bureaucratic hurdles and case-by-case discretion.

Religious communities are now left to fill the void. Catholic aid networks, already strained under rising global displacement, must prepare for more blocked asylum cases and disoriented families. Legal advocates brace for another round of challenges, both in court and in public opinion.

This latest immigration directive marks not only a turning point in Trump’s second-term agenda but a stark reflection of the ongoing tension between national security and moral responsibility. For many, it is not only about borders but about values—whether the United States can still recognize the dignity of the stranger, the voice of the persecuted, or the cry of a separated child.

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